TaxTMI 
TaxTMI 
1962 (1) TMI 60
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...., (a) To-day the dogs of the C. I. D are loitering round Barauni. Many official dogs are sitting even in this meeting. The people of India drove out the Britishers from this country and elected these Congress goondas to the gaddi and seated them on it. To-day these Congress goondas are sitting on the gaddi due to mistake of the people. When we drove out the Britishers, we shall strike and turn out these Congress goondas as well. These official dogs will also be liquidated along with these Congress goondas. These Congress goondas are banking upon the American dollars and imposing various kinds of taxes on the people to-day. The blood of our brothers- mazdoors and Kishanas is being sucked. The capitalists and the zamindars of this country help these Congress goondas. These zamindars and capitalists will also have to be brought before the peoples court along with these Congress goondas. (b) On the strength of the organisation and unity of Kisans and mazdoors the Forward Communists Party will expose the black deeds of the Congress goondas, who are just like the Britishers. Only the colour of the body has changed. They have to-day established a rule of lathis and bullets in the country....
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....en we have driven out the Britishers, we shall strike and turn out these Congress Goondas. These Congress Goondas are banking upon the American dollars and imposing various kinds of taxes on the people to-day. The blood of our brothers Mazdoors and Kisans is being sucked. The capitalists and the zamindars of this country help these Congress Goondas. These zamindars and capitalists will also have to be brought before the people's Court along with these Congress Goondas. (b) On the strength of organisation and unity of kisans and mazdoors the Forward Communist Party will expose the black-deeds of the Congress Goondas, who are just like the Britishers. Only the colour of the body has changed. They have, to-day, established a rule of lathis and bullets in the country. The Britishers had to go away from this land. They had aeroplanes, guns, bombs, and other reasons with them. (c) The Forward Communist party does not believe in the doctrine of votes itself. The party had always been believing in revolution and does so even at present. We believe in that revolution, which will come and in the flames of which the capitalists, zamindars and the Congress leaders of India, who have made....
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....he speech taken as a whole was certainly seditionus. It is not a speech critising any of is measures. He held that the offences both under ss. 124A 505(b) of the Indian Penal Code had been made out. The convicted person moved this Court and obtained special leave to appeal. It will be noticed that the constitutionality of the provisions of the sections under which the appellant was convicted had not been convassed before the High Court. But in the petition for special leave, to this Court, the ground was taken that ss. 124A and 505 of the Indian Penal Code "are inconsistent with Art. 19(1) (a) of the Constitution". The appeal was heard in this Court, in the first instance, by a Division Bench on May 5, 1959. The Bench, finding that the learned counsel vco the appellant had raised the constitutional issue as to the validity of ss. 124A and 505 of the Indian Penal Code, directed that the appeal be placed for hearing by a Constitution Bench. The case was then placed before a Constitution Bench, on November 4, 1960, when that Bench directed notice to issue to the Attorney General of India under r. 1, O.41 of the Supreme Court Rules. The matter was once again placed before a ....
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....llion against the Government established by law, by the use of arms. Against the aforesaid order of conviction and sentence, the accused person preferred an appeal to the High Court of Allahabad. In Criminal Appeal 126 of 1958, the respondent is one Parasnath Tripathi. He is alleged to have delivered a speech in village Mansapur, P.S. Akbarpur, in the district of Faizabad, on September 26, 1955, in which he is said to have exhorted the audience to organise a volunteer army and resist the Government and its servants by violent means. He is also said to have excited the audience with intent to create feelings of hatred and enmity against the Government. When he was placed on trial for an offence under s. 124A of the Indian Penal Code, the accused person applied for a writ of Habeas Corpus in the High Court of Judicature at. Allahabad on the ground that his detention was illegal inasmuch as the provisions s. 124A of the Indian Penal Code were void as being in contravention of his fundamental rights of free speech and expression under Art. 19(1)(a) of the Constitution. This matter, along with the appeals which have given rise to appeals Nos. 124 and 125, as aforesaid, were ultimately ....
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....of the judicial Committee of the Privy Council. The section corresponding to s. 124A was originally s. 113 of Macaulay's Draft Penal Code of 1837-39, but the section was omitted from the Indian Penal Code as it was enacted in 1860. The reason for the omission from the Code is enacted is not clear, but perhaps the legislative body did not feel sure above its authority to enact such a provision in the Code. Be that as it may, s. 124A was not placed on the Statute Book until 1870, by Act XXVII of 1870. There was a considerable amount of discussion at the time the amendment was introduced by Sir James, Stephen, but what he said while introducing the bill in the legislature may not be relevant for our present purposes. The section as then enacted ran as follows: "124A. Exciting Disaffection- Whoever by words, either spoken or intended to be read, or by signs, or by visible representation, or otherwise, excites, or attempts to excite, feelings of disaffection to the Government established by law in British India, shall be punished with transportation for life or for any term, to which, fine may be added, or with imprisonment for a term which may extend to three years, to which....
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....disaffection to the Government. What are "feelings of disaffection" ? I agree with Sir Comer Petheram in the Bangobasi case that disaffection means simply the absence of affection. It means hatred, enmity dislike, hostility, contempt and every from of ill-will to the Government. "Disloyalty" is perhaps the best general term, comprehending every possible form of bad feeling to the Government. That is what the law means by the disaffection which a man must not excite or attempt to excite; he must not make or try to make others feel enmity of any kind towards the Government. You will observe that the amount or intensity of the disaffection is absolutely immaterial except perhaps in dealing with the question of punishment: if a man excites or attempts to excite feelings of disaffection, great or small, he is guilty under the section. In the next place, it is absolutely immaterial whether any feelings of disaffection have been excited or not by the publication in question. It is true that there is before you a charge against each prisoner that he has actually excited feelings of disaffection to the Government. If you are satisfied that he has done so, you will, of c....
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....the learned judge came in for a great deal of comment and judicial notice. We have omitted the charge to the jury relating to the explanation to s. 124A because that explanation has now yielded place to three separate explanations in view of judicial opinions expressed later. The jury, by a majority of six to three, found Shri Balgangadhar Tilak guilty. Subsequently, he, on conviction, applied under cl. 41 of the Letters Patent for leave to appeal to the Privy Council. The application was heard by a Full Bench consisting of Farran, C. J., Candy and Strachey, JJ. It was contended before the High Court at the leave stage, inter alia, that the sanction given by the Government was not sufficient in law in that it had not set out the particulars of the offending articles, and, secondly, that the judge misdirected the jury as to the meaning of the word "disaffection" insofar as he said that it might be equivalent to "absence of affection". With regard to the second point, which is only relevant point before us; the Full Bench expressed itself to the following effect: "The other ground upon which Mr. Russell has asked as to certify that this is a fit case to be s....
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....ess v. Jogender Bose(1). It was also contended that the appellant's comments had not exceeded what in England would be considered within the functions of a Public journalist, and that the misdirection complained of was of the greatest importance not merely to the affected person but to the whole of the Indian Press and also to all her Majesty's subjects; and that it injuriously affected the liberty of the press and the right to free speech in public meetings. But in spite of the strong appeal made on behalf of the petitioner for special leave, the Lord Chancellor, delivering the opinion of the Judicial Committee, while dismissing the application, observed that taking a view of the whole of the summing up they did not see any reason to dissent from it, and that keeping in view the rules which Their Lordships observed in the matter of granting leave to appeal in criminal cases, they did not think that the case raised questions which deserve further consideration by the Privy Council. (vide Gangadhar Tilak v. Queen Empress) (1). Before noticing the further changes in the Statute, it is necessary to refer to the Full Bench decision of the Allahabad High Court in Queen Empress ....
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.... The section was amended by the Indian Penal Code Amendment Act (IV of 1898). As a result of the amendment, the single explanation to the section was replaced by three separate explanations as they stand now. The section, as it now stands in its present form, is the result of the several A.O.S. of 1937, 1948 and 1950, as a result of the constitutional changes, by the Government of India Act, 1935, by the Independence Act of 1947 and by the Indian Constitution of 1950. Section 124A, as it has emerged after successive amendments by way of adaptations as aforesaid, reads as follows: "Whoever by words, either spoken or written, or by signs or by visible representation, or otherwise, brings or attempts to bring into hatred to contempt, or excites or attempts to excite disaffection towards the Government established by law in India shall be punished with transportation for life or any shorter term to which fine may be added or with imprisonment which may extend to three years, to which fine may be added, or with fine. Explanation 1. The expression "disaffection" includes disloyalty and all feelings of enmity. Explanation 2. Comments expressing disapprobation of the meas....
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....he law only interferes when the discussion passes the bounds of fair criticism. More especially will this be the case when the natural consequence of the prisoner's conduct is to promote public disorder." This statement of the law is derived mainly from the address to the Jury by Fitzerald, J., in the case of Reg v. Alexander Martin Sullivan (1). In the course of his address to the Jury the learned Judge observed as follows: "Sedition is a crime against society, nearly allied to that of treason, and it frequently precedes treason by short interval. Sedition in itself is a comprehensive term, and it embraces all those practices, whether by word, deed or writing, which are calculated to disturb the tranquility of the State, and lead ignorant persons to endeavour to subvert the Government and the laws of the empire. The objects of sedition generally are to induce discontent and insurrection and stir up opposition to the Government, and bring the administration of justice into contempt; and the very tendency of sedition is to incite the people to insurrection and rebellion. Sedition has been described, as disloyalty in action and the law considers as sedition all those ....
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....n the offence of sedition stands related. It is the answer of the State to those who, for the purpose of attacking or subverting it, seek (to borrow from the passage cited above) to disturb its tranquillity, to create public disturbance and to promote disorder, or who incite others to do so. Words, deeds or writings constitute sedition, if they have this intention or this tendency; and it is easy to see why they may also constitute sedition, if they seek, as the phrase is, to bring Government into contempt. This is not made an offence in order to minister to the wounded vanity of Government, but because where Government and the law cease to be obeyed because no respect is felt any longer for them, only anarchy can follow. Public disorder, or the reasonable anticipation or likelihood of public disorder, is thus the gist of the offence. The acts or words complained of must either incite to disorder or must be such as to satisfy reasonable men that is their intention or tendency." This statement of the law was not approved by their Lordships of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in the case of King-Emperor v. Sadashiv Narayan Bhalerao (1). The Privy Council, after quoti....
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.... cases has not formed the subject matter of decision previously. But certain observations made by this Court in some cases, to be presently noticed, with reference to the interrelation between freedom of speech and seditious writing or speaking have been made in the very first year of the coming into force of the Constitution. Two cases involving consideration of the fundamental right of freedom of speech and expression and certain laws enacted by some of the States imposing restrictions on that right came up for consideration before this Court. Those cases, reported in Romesh Thappar v. The State of Madras(1) and Brij Bhushan v. The State of Delhi(2) were heard by Kania C.J., Pazl Ali, Patanjali Shastri, Mehr Chand Mahajan, Mukherjea and Das, JJ, and judgments were delivered on the same day (May 26, 1950). In Romesh Thappar's case (1), the majority of the Court declared s. 9(1-A) of the Madras Maintenance of Public Order Act (Mad. XXXIII of 1949), which had authorised imposition of restrictions on the fundamental right of freedom of speech, to be in excess of cl. (2) of Art. 19 of the Constitution authorising such restrictions, and, therefore, void and unconstitutional. In Bri....
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....ative abridgement of the right of free speech and expression, and this was doubtless due to the realisation that freedom of speech and of the press lay at the foundation of all domocratic organisations, for without free political discussion no public education, so essential for the proper functioning of the processes of popular government, is possible, freedom of such amplitude might involve risks of abuse. But the framers of the Constitution may well have reflected, with Madison who was "the leading spirit in the preparation of the First Amendment of the Federal Constitution" that "it is better to leave a few of its naxious branches to their luxuriant growth, than, by prunning, them away to injure the vigour of those yielding the proper fruits" : (quoted in Near v. Minnesotta). Those observations were made to bring out the difference between the "security of the State" and "public order". As the latter expression did not find a place in Art. 19(2) of the Constitution, as it stood originally, the section was struck down as unconstitutional. Fazl Ali, J., dissented from the views thus expressed by the majority and reiterated his observations ....
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....ion must have therefore found themselves face to face with the dilemma as to whether the word "sedition" should be used in article 19(2) and if it was to be used in what sense it was to be used. On the one hand, they must have had before their mind the very widely accepted view supported by numerous authorities that sedition was essentially an offence against public tranquillity and was connected in some way or other with public disorder; and, on the other hand, there was the pronouncement of the Judicial Committee that sedition as defined in the Indian Penal Code did not necessarily imply any intention or tendency to incite disorder. In these circumstances, it is not surprising that they decided not to use the word "sedition" in clause (2) but used the more general words which cover sedition and everything else which makes sedition such a serious offence. That sedition does undermine the security of the State is a matter which cannot admit of much doubt. That it undermines the security of the state usually through the medium of public disorder is also a matter on which eminent Judges and jurists are agreed. Therefore, it is difficult to hold that public disorde....
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....the question how for the offence, as defined in s. 124A of the Indian Penal Code, is consistent with the fundamental right guaranteed by Art. 19 (1) (a) of the Constitution, which is in these terms: "19. (1) All citizens shall have the right. (a)to freedom of speech and expression..." This guaranteed right is subject to the right of the legislature to impose reasonable restrictions, the ambit of which is indicated by cl. (2), which, in its amended form, reads as follows: "(2) Nothing in sub-clause (a) of clause (1) shall affect the operation of any existing law or prevent the State from making any law, in so far as such law imposes reasonable restrictions on the exercise of the right conferred by the said sub-clause in the interests of the security of the State, friendly relations with foreign States, public order, decency or morality, or in relation to contempt of court, defamation or incitement to an offence." It has not been questioned before us that the fundamental right guaranteed by Art. 19(1)(a) of the freedom of speech and expression is not an absolute right. It is common ground that the right is subject to such reasonable restrictions as would com....
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....Government established by law is not the same thing as commenting in strong terms upon the measures or acts of Government, or its agencies, so as to ameliorate the condition of the people or to secure the cancellation or alteration of those acts or measures by lawful means, that is to say, without exciting those feelings of enmity and disloyalty which imply excitement to public disorder or the use of violence. It has not been contended before us that if a speech or a writing excites people to violence or have the tendency to create public disorder, it would not come within the definition of 'sedition'. What has been contended is that a person who makes a very strong speech or uses very vigorous words in a writing directed to a very strong criticism of measures of Government or acts of public officials, might also come within the ambit of the penal section. But, in our opinion, such words written or spoken would be outside the scope of the section. In this connection, it is pertinent to observe that the security of the State, which depends upon the maintenance of law and order is the very basic consideration upon which legislation, with a view to punishing offences against ....
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....id down in the several decisions of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, it will be true to say that the section is not only within but also very much beyond the limits laid down in cl. (2) aforesaid. In view of the conflicting decisions of the Federal Court and of the Privy Council, referred to above, we have to determine whether and how far the provisions of ss. 124A and 505 of the Indian Penal Code have to be struck down as unconstitutional. If we accept the interpretation of the Federal Court as to the gist of criminality in an alleged crime of sedition, namely, incitement to disorder or tendency or likelihood of public disorder or reasonable apprehension thereof, the section may lie within the ambit of permissible legislative restrictions on the fundamental right of freedom of speech and expression. There can be no doubt that apart from the provisions of (2) of Art. 19, ss. 124A and 505 are clearly violative of Art. 19(1)(a) of the Constitution. But then we have to see how far the saving clause, namely, cl.(2) of Art. 19 protects the sections aforesaid. Now, as already pointed out, in terms of the amended cl. (2), quoted above, the expression "in the interest of.....
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.... in so construing the provisions of the sections impugned in these cases as to limit their application to acts involving intention or tendency to create disorder, or disturbance of law and order, or incitement to violence. We may also consider the legal position, as it should emerge, assuming that the main s. 124A is capable of being construed in the literal sense in which the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council has construed it in the cases referred to above. On that assumption, it is not open to this Court to construe the section is such a way as to avoid the alleged unconstitutionality by limiting the application of the section in the way in which the Federal Court intended to apply it ? In our opinion, there are decisions of this Court which amply justify our taking that view of the legal position. This Court, in the case of R.M.D. Chamarbaugwalla v. The Union of India (1) has examined in detail the several decisions of this Court, as also of the Courts in America and Australia. After examining those decisions, this Court came to the conclusion that if the impugned provisions of a law come within the constitutional powers of the legislature by adopting one view of the word....